https://lexlep.univie.ac.at/index.php?title=bu%C4%91-&feed=atom&action=historybuđ- - Revision history2024-03-28T17:58:34ZRevision history for this page on the wikiMediaWiki 1.38.1https://lexlep.univie.ac.at/index.php?title=bu%C4%91-&diff=25142&oldid=prevCorinna Salomon at 14:19, 10 December 20212021-12-10T14:19:46Z<p></p>
<p><b>New page</b></p><div>{{morpheme<br />
|type_morpheme=lexical<br />
|meaning=unknown<br />
|language=Celtic<br />
|analysis_phonemic=/{{p|b}}{{p|u}}?/-<br />
|checklevel=1<br />
|problem=original suggestion of buđđ = buzd?<br />
}}<br />
== Commentary ==<br />
The second element of {{w||artebuθz}} has been connected with a number of lexemes and onomastic elements whose interrelations and exact etymologies are under debate. See {{bib|DLG}}: 95 s.v. ''bussu''- for what appears to be the first mention of the possible inclusion of -''buθz'' in this difficult group: Delamarre analyses -''buθz'' as -''buđđ''(''o'')''s'' and translates ''arte''-''buθz'' 'Pine d'Ours', attributing the suggestion to Christopher Gwinn and David Stifter (on the now defunct ''continentalceltic'' mailing list). <br />
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''bussu''- is an onomastic element which occurs frequently as the first part of Gaulish compound PNN, e.g., {{w||bussumaros}} (epithet of Iuppiter), {{w||bussugnata}} (in Pannonia and Noricum), {{w||bussurigios}}, and in simplex names, e.g., {{w||bussus}}, {{w||bussulus}}/{{w||bussula}}, {{w||bussuro}}; for more examples and attestations see {{bib|KGP}}: 158, {{bib|GPN}}: 316 f. s.v. ''buscilla'' with n. 7, {{bib|Lochner von Hüttenbach 1989}}: 39 f., {{bib|Meid 2005}}: 128 f., {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 214 et passim. It was connected with Insular Celtic words for 'lips' (MIr. ''bus'' (poetic), MW ''gwe-fus'', MBret. ''gweuz'', ''gueus'', OCorn. ''gueus'' (glossed as 'labia'); see {{bib|Matasović 2009}} s.v. *''bussu''-) by {{bib|Osthoff 1894}}: 286 (who credits Thurneysen by letter) and {{bib|Holder 1896–1907}} I: 645, and further with Gaulish L-119 {{w||buđđutton}} on a spindle whorl, translated as 'little kiss' ('come girl, take my {{w||buđđutton}}'), by {{bib|Loth 1916}}: 183, {{bib|Dottin 1920}}: 238, {{bib|Whatmough 1951}}: 182, {{bib|KGP}}: 158, {{bib|IEW}}: 103 s.v. ''bu''-, {{bib|Tovar 1963}}: 390. Gaul. {{w||buđđutton}} attests tau gallicum as the root auslaut, which allows for the tentative addition of further Gaulish onomastic elements which show different spelling variants of that sound, such as ''but''(''t'')''u''- (e.g., {{w||butto}}, {{w||buttus}}, ''but''(''t'')''uricus'', {{w||buturo}}, {{w||butturrus}}, {{bib|GPN}}: 319 n. 7), ''bustu''- ({{w||busturo}}, {{bib|Lochner von Hüttenbach 1989}}: 39), ''buddu''- ({{w||buddutto}}, ibid.), ''buθθ''- ({{w||buθθarus}}, {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: X). The lexical 'lips'-group is problematic insofar as its stem, gender and etymology are unclear. {{bib|Meid 1980}}: 15 f. compares (specifically for {{w||buđđutton}}) Austrian ''Buss-erl'' 'kiss, peck [dimin.]', Delamarre {{bib|DLG}}: 96 an assortment of further similar words in various European languages meaning 'lip', 'mouth', 'kiss', 'embrace', which he mainly attributes to onomatopoeïa rather than a common PIE base. <br />
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An alternative group of cognates which has been connected with the Gaulish ''buss''-/''buđđ''-/''buθ''-group, which accounts for Delamarre's translation of ''arte''-''buθz'' as 'bear prick', is MIr. {{w||bot}} 'penis, tail', MW {{w||both}} 'nave, shield boss' < PC *''bozdo''- or *''buzdo''- (for the Welsh form fem. *''buzdā'') < PIE *''g<sup>u̯</sup>osdʰo''- 'piece of wood' ({{bib|IEW}}: 485), with an analysis of {{w||buđđutton}} as 'penis' rather than 'kiss' ({{bib|LEIA}} s.v. ''bot''; {{bib|Lambert 1994}}: 123). This etymology of ''buđđu''- is argued for by {{bib|Watkins 1999}}: 541–543, who books it as an example for PC /zd/ as a source for tau gallicum, for which evidence is scarce. Watkins' other two examples are Gaulish L-50 {{w||neddamon}} = ''nets''(''s'')''amon'' < PC *''nezd-isamo-'' 'nearest', which makes necessary an irregular development of */zds/ after the syncope of /i/ to get OIr., W {{w||nessamo}}, and PC *''k<sup>u̯</sup>ezdi''- 'piece' with a regular development in OIr. {{w||cuit}}, W {{w||peth}}, and Gaul. *''petsi''- > *''pessi'' > ultimately ModFr. ''pièce''. Neither of these examples, however, is conclusive. Tau gallicum in Gaul. {{w||neddamon}} is likely the irregular result of the complex cluster with /s/ in the suffix, just like in the Insular Celtic forms, not of /zd/ alone (cf. {{bib|Jasanoff 1991}}: 172). For the source of ModFr. ''pièce'', ModIt. ''pezza'', etc., the common reconstruction is Gallo-Rom. *{{w||pettia}} < PC *''k<sup>u̯</sup>ezdi̯ā'' ({{bib|FEW}} vol. 8: 332–342; {{bib|DLG}}: 249 f.), indicating a regular development of PC /zd/ > Gaul. /tt/ ({{bib|Stifter 2011b}}: 174, n. 20). In the case of PC *''bozdo''-/*''buzdo''-, /zd/ > /tt/ may be seen in Gallo-Rom. *''bottia'' as reconstructed by Wartburg ({{bib|FEW}} vol. 1: 467–470) for ModFr. ''bosse'' 'knob, hump', for which Watkins posits instead Gaul. *''bođđā''- (a feminine ''ā''-stem just as in MW {{w||both}}). (ModFr. ''bouton'' 'button [etc.]' is derived by Wartburg not from a Gallo-Rom. *''botto-''/*''butto-'', but from Germanic (PG *''buttōn''- 'shove'); see {{bib|FEW}} vol. 1: 455–465, vol 15,1: 210–229 s.v. *''bōtan'').<br />
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The connection of ''buđđu''-/''bussu''-/''buθ''- with the 'penis'-group is also argued on semantic grounds, viz. that not only ''buđđutton'' in the notoriously risquè spindle whorl inscriptions, but also ''bussu''- in the compound PNN is better understood as 'penis' than 'lips/kiss' ({{bib|Watkins 1999}}: 542), but – apart from the fact that compound names must not necessarily make sense as compound lexemes – there is no case in which one option is incontestably superior: ''bussumaros'' 'aux grosses lèvres' ({{bib|Vendryes 1929}}: 370; {{bib|KGP}}: 158) or 'big dick' (cf. ''ballomaros'', {{bib|DLG}}: 65)? ''bussurigios'' 'he whose mouth is royal' ({{bib|KGP}}: 158), 'smooch king', or 'royal member'? ''bussugnata'' 'famed for her lips'/'born with (large) lips' ({{bib|KGP}}: 67 f. with n. 4), 'born after a prophecy'/'skilled in prophecy' ({{bib|Birkhan 1971}}: 24, n. 3), 'born from/for kisses'/'kiss-skilled' ({{bib|Meid 2005}}: 129), or 'penis-sired'/'cock expert'? ''anbusulus'' 'lipless' or 'knobless' ({{bib|DLG}}: 95)? {{w||artebuθz}} 'lips like a bear' or 'dick like a bear'? {{bib|DLG|Delamarre}} separates the entries for ''buđđutton'' and ''bussu''-, but considers the possibility that they are equivalent and the meanings 'penis' or 'lip/kiss' for both.<br />
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As long as the exact status, sound value(s) and dialectal developments of tau gallicum are not cleared up, we cannot exclude that Gaulish/Gallo-Romance forms both with /ss/ and with /tt/ could go back to tau gallicum (cf. what was said about the equation of onomastic ''bussu''- and ''buttu''- above), but the claim that /zd/ yields tau gallicum (and therefore *''buzdo''- > ''buđđu''- > ''bussu''-) is weak. Also, beside the tau gallicum issue, /u/ in the root is an obstacle. The PC word for 'knob' can be straightforwardly reconstructed as *''bozdo''-, unless one needs to account for ''buđđutton'' and ''bussu''-. Cf. {{bib|Matasović 2009}} s.v. *''buzdo''-, who explains /u/ by means of an ablauting root noun paradigm which was regularised and thematised; Watkins (p. 542) simply assumes raising. Cf. also {{bib|McCone 2012}}, who explains /u/ in the root (and in the stem in the Gaulish forms) by proposing an alternative etymology involving Bartholomae's Law from the PIE root *''bʰeṷdʰ''- 'awake, become aware (of)' > *''bʰudʰ-to''- */''bʰudᶻdʰo''/ 'aroused one, penis' > PC *''budᶻ''(''d'')''o''- > MIr. {{w||bot}} (with lowering of the root vowel; excluding MW {{w||both}}) and > *''bʰudʰ-tu''- */''bʰudᶻdʰu''/ 'arousal, erection' > PC *''budᶻ''(''d'')''u''- > Gaul. ''butˢu''-.<br />
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To summarise, Gaul. ''buđđu''-, ''bussu''-/''buttu''- etc. and ''buθ''- are likely to belong together in a group which shows /u/ in the root and stem and tau gallicum in the auslaut; it is etymologically unclear and may belong with the Insular Celtic 'lip'-words. A connection with PC *''bozdo''- and the Insular Celtic 'penis'-words requires an explanation of the root and stem vocalism and a justification for PC */zd/ as a source for tau gallicum.<br />
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The spelling of -''buθ-z'' with zeta instead of expected sigma for {{m||-s}} indicates that the writer attempted to reflect a more complex dental cluster than ''ss-s'', viz. the tau gallicum sound before its simplification; unfortunately, the rationale behind the chosen letters (theta for /d/, zeta for /tˢ/) is not clear and gives no clue about the phonetic shape of tau gallicum in Imperial-age Pannonia.<br />
<br />
<p style="text-align:right;>[[User:David Stifter|David Stifter]], [[User:Corinna Salomon|Corinna Salomon]]</p><br />
{{bibliography}}</div>Corinna Salomon