View source for gon(n)-

{{morpheme
|type_morpheme=lexical
|meaning='descendant, offspring' (?)
|language=Celtic
|analysis_phonemic=-/{{p|g}}{{p|o}}{{p|n}}({{p|nn|n}}/-
|from_pie=*''g̑onh₁-o-'' 'descendant, offspring' (?)
|from_protocelt=*''gon-o-'' 'descendant, offspring' (?)
|checklevel=0
}}
== Commentary ==
The PIE root *''g̑enh₁''- 'bring forth, procreate' is continued in various stem forms in Celtic onomastics, predominantly as second element in compounds, including -''gno''-/-''a'' (e.g. Gaulish {{bib|RIG}} L-66 <span class="tr_lat">certiognu</span> (dat.), {{bib|RIG}} L-125 <span class="tr_lat">diuuogna</span>, ''ategnia'', Ogam {{bib|CIIC}} 71, 166 <span class="tr_og">coimagni</span> (gen.)) < *''g̑n̥h₁-o''/(''ii̯'')''ah₂''- 'born' (see {{m||-ikn-}}), {{m||gnāt-|-gnāto-/-a}} < *''g̑n̥h₁-to''/''ah₂''- 'born' (further on that morpheme page), -''gen''(''n'')''o''-/-''a'' (e.g. Gaulish ''reitugenos'', ''litugena'', ''camulogenus'', {{bib|RIIG}} [https://riig.huma-num.fr/documents/VAU-07-01 VAU-07-01] ({{bib|RIG}} G-147) <span class="tr_gr">αδγεννοριγ[ι]</span> (dat.), {{bib|RIIG}} [https://riig.huma-num.fr/documents/BDR-01-01 BDR-01-01] ({{bib|RIG}} G-1) <span class="tr_gr">κογγενν|ολιτανο|ς</span>, OW ''morgen'' < ''morigenus'', Ogam <span class="tr_og">inigena</span>, OIr. ''amargen''), and -''gon''(''n'')''o''-/-''a'' (e.g. {{w||aśkonetio}}, ''adgonna'', ''congonna'', ''congonnetodubnus''). (See {{bib|KGP}}: 216–221, {{bib|GPN}}: 203–211, {{bib|Uhlich 1993}}: 261, {{bib|DLG}}: 177 f., 181 f., {{bib|Meid 2005}}: 124–132, {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 222 et passim; also {{bib|NIL}}: 139–153 for lexical derivations from the root in Celtic.)

The derivation of the thematic formations -''gen''(''n'')''o''- and -''gon''(''n'')''o''-, which appear to be semantically equivalent to and interchangeable with {{m||gnat-|-gnato-}} (''cintugnata'' – ''cintugena'', ''devognata'' – ''devogena'', see {{bib|Stüber 2005}}: 66), is not entirely clear. An ''e''-grade thematic stem cannot be reconstructed for PIE with certainty, the only evidence beside the Celtic name element being possibly secondary Lat. -''genus'' (see {{bib|NIL}}: 141 f. with literature for the Celtic evidence). {{bib|Stüber 2005}}: 66 f. and {{bib|Stüber et al. 2009|2009}}: 252 suggests that -''gen''(''n'')''o''- is a secondary thematised form of either the second element of root compounds or of the ''s''-stem *''g̑enh₁-es''- 'lineage, family'; in the latter case, compounds in -''gen''(''n'')''o''- would be original possessive compounds 'having birth/descent from X', reinterpreted early as 'being born to X'. That the formation goes back to PC is shown by OIr. ''ingen'' < *''enigenā'' 'daughter', and Celtiberian names like ''retukenos''. (See also {{bib|Uhlich 1993}}: 129, 262, Wodtko {{bib|MLH}} V.1: 251.) Geminate /n/ has been explained as expressive onomastic gemination (thus {{bib|Stüber et al. 2009}}: 260 on ''nitiogenna'', cf. {{bib|AcS}} II: 668 f., {{bib|Dottin 1920}}: 65, {{bib|Lejeune 1971}}: 57), but the frequency of the phenomenon in this particular element is conspicuous. The geminate finds an explanation if -''gen''(''n'')- is not directly from the root *''g̑enh₁''-, but from the neuter ''men''-stem *''g̑en''(''h₁'')''men''-. This form regulary lost the laryngeal in the heavy cluster; furthermore even the -''m''- could be lost in cases where the suffix was in the zero-grade, i.e. *''g̑enmn''- > *''g̑en-n''-. This explains the OIr. ''n''-stem verbal noun ''gein'' 'birth' < *''genan'', as well as dial. Gk ''γέννα'' 'descent, birth, origin'. Gaulish names such as ''adgennos'' are thematic adjectives derived from the ''n''-stem meaning 'he who belongs to the family'; ''congennolitanos'' can be understood as 'he who is broad through relatives (= those of common descent)'.

The variant with /o/ in the root, which only appears in combination with the preverbs {{m||ad-}} and {{m||kom-}}, was associated with the /e/-variant by Schmidt {{bib|KGP}}: 219 f. on the basis of the pairs ''adgen''(''n'')''o''-/''adgonno''-, ''congen''(''n'')''o''-/''congon''(''n'')''o''-. Schmidt argues that the /o/-variant came about through a misinterpretation of derivations in -''onio''- from names with a base with auslaut /k/ (e.g. ''matuco'' → ''matuconius''), supported by influence from Greek ''γόνος''. (See also {{bib|Meid 2005}}: 127.) -''gon''(''n'')- can in fact be derived directly from PIE, namely the regular thematic ''o''-grade *''g̑onh₁-o''- 'offspring, descendant' (Ved. ''jána''-, Gk ''γόνος''), so that -''gon''(''n'')''o''- 'born of, descendant of X' could be of an origin independent from -''gen''(''n'')''o''-. The tendency to geminate /n/ could then be due to secondary influence from -''genn''-. However, the restricted attestation of -''gon''(''n'')''o''- only with specific preverbs calls for an explanation, as does its frequent appearance in a derivation with {{m||-et-}} ({{w||aśkonetio|adgonnet(i)us}}, ''conetodu''[, ''conconnetodumnus'', ''congon''(''n'')''etiacus'', ''conconetus'' in {{bib|GPN}}: 210, see also {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 209 f., 217) – perhaps a derivation from a verbal base?

Older etymologies are collected by Evans {{bib|GPN}}: 203–207, 210 f., who remarks upon the clustering of names in ''adgen''(''n'')''o''- and ''congen''(''n'')''o''- in the south (cf. {{bib|KGP}}: 113), suggests the influence of Lat. -''genus'', and concludes that the variants with /o/ "may well be of multiple origin" (211). The possibility that elements of different origin have merged, and that -''ge''/''on''(''n'')''o''- may therefore have other semantics than 'X-born' in some attestations, must be kept in mind.

<p style="text-align:right;>[[User:David Stifter|David Stifter]], [[User:Corinna Salomon|Corinna Salomon]]</p> 
{{bibliography}}