-ed-: Difference between revisions
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|analysis_phonemic=-/{{p|e}}{{p|d}}/- | |analysis_phonemic=-/{{p|e}}{{p|d}}/- | ||
|checklevel=5 | |checklevel=5 | ||
|problem=plialeθu-Diskussion | |problem=plialeθu-Diskussion, Prosdocimi | ||
}} | }} | ||
== Commentary == | == Commentary == | ||
Element of uncertain function and etymology; often indistinguishable from {{m||-et-}}. Always as an ''on''-stem -''edū'' except possibly {{w||sekezos}}. | Element of uncertain function and etymology; often indistinguishable from {{m||-et-}}. Always as an ''on''-stem -''edū'' except (possibly, but unlikely) {{w||sekezos}}. | ||
{{bib| | Numerous potential Celtic attestations are collected in {{bib|AcS}} I: 1407 sub -''ēdon''-/-''ēdū'' in numerous PNN in -''edu''/''o''. {{bib|Lejeune 1971}}: 20 f. and 64, n. 213, though he refers to Holder's entry, gives short ''e'' for the suffixes in {{w||seχeθu}} and {{w||oletu}}; {{bib|Tibiletti Bruno 1979}}: 258 gives long ''ē'' (for {{w||kiketu}}). Both {{bib|Lejeune 1971}}: 53 and {{bib|Tibiletti Bruno 1979}}: 258, as well as {{bib|Stifter 2020}}: '''?''' (for {{w||plialeθu}}), are uncertain about the dental (/d/ or /t/). | ||
In Cisalpine Celtic inscriptions, PNN in (putative) -'' | IE comparanda are elusive – cf. e.g. {{bib|Neri 2003}}: 47, n. 105, on the possibility that a suffix -''ed''- underlies some Latin -''idus''-adjectives, specifically ''calidus'' 'warm' < PIE *''k̑l̥-ed-ó''- (see {{bib|NIL}}: 414, n. 1, on the root shape) : OI ''śarád''- etc. 'autumn' < *''k̑el-éd''- 'warmth', where -''ed''- is also irregular (see {{bib|NIL}} 415, n. 7, with literature). {{bib|Schaffner 2014}}: 74 compares the derivation **''meh₂k̑-éd''- 'height' > Gk *''mak̑-ed-ó''- 'tall' (as basis for Μακεδόν- 'Macedonian'); cf. {{bib|Nussbaum 1999}}: 407, n. 34, and further {{bib|Nussbaum 2004}} on an ablauting suffix -''ed''-/-''ēd''- in Greek and Latin. (Cf. {{bib|Salomon 2023}}: 27 f., n. 11.) | ||
In Cisalpine Celtic inscriptions, some of the PNN in (putative) -''edon''- appear sometimes in two-part names where a clear patronym is missing (''uvamokozis plialeθu'', ''oletu amaśilu''), leading Markey (following '''{{bib|Prosdocimi 1986}}: 239''') to analyse the element as a suffix forming cognomina ({{bib|Markey & Mees 2003}}: 140, 149, {{bib|Markey 2006}}: 157). Markey compares Sabellic patronymic -''id-i̯o''- ({{bib|Wallace 2007}}: 52), Messapic patronymic -''id''- ({{bib|Matzinger 2019}}: 107 f.), and Greek -''ιδᾱ'', and also identifies the suffix in putative Celtic -''iþu'' (read -''idū'' by him) in Raetic inscriptions from [https://www.univie.ac.at/raetica/wiki/Magrè Magrè] (cf. also {{bib|Markey & Mees 2004}}: 86 f.). -''ed''- is derived from *-''id''- with lowering in {{bib|Markey & Mees 2003}}: 149 (cf. {{bib|Villar & Prósper 2005}}: 286), while {{bib|Markey 2006}}: 157 reconstructs Pre-Celtic *-''ed-on'', with Magrè -''idū'' < -''edū'' through raising before a high vowel. | |||
{{bibliography}} | {{bibliography}} | ||
Latest revision as of 00:32, 24 January 2024
| Type: | derivational |
|---|---|
| Function: | unclear |
| Language: | Celtic |
| Phonemic analysis: | -/ed/- |
| Attestation: | caledonos, keleśu, kiketu, oletu, plialeθu, seχeθu |
Commentary
Element of uncertain function and etymology; often indistinguishable from -et-. Always as an on-stem -edū except (possibly, but unlikely) sekezos.
Numerous potential Celtic attestations are collected in AcS I: 1407 sub -ēdon-/-ēdū in numerous PNN in -edu/o. Lejeune 1971: 20 f. and 64, n. 213, though he refers to Holder's entry, gives short e for the suffixes in seχeθu and oletu; Tibiletti Bruno 1979: 258 gives long ē (for kiketu). Both Lejeune 1971: 53 and Tibiletti Bruno 1979: 258, as well as Stifter 2020: ? (for plialeθu), are uncertain about the dental (/d/ or /t/).
IE comparanda are elusive – cf. e.g. Neri 2003: 47, n. 105, on the possibility that a suffix -ed- underlies some Latin -idus-adjectives, specifically calidus 'warm' < PIE *k̑l̥-ed-ó- (see NIL: 414, n. 1, on the root shape) : OI śarád- etc. 'autumn' < *k̑el-éd- 'warmth', where -ed- is also irregular (see NIL 415, n. 7, with literature). Schaffner 2014: 74 compares the derivation **meh₂k̑-éd- 'height' > Gk *mak̑-ed-ó- 'tall' (as basis for Μακεδόν- 'Macedonian'); cf. Nussbaum 1999: 407, n. 34, and further Nussbaum 2004 on an ablauting suffix -ed-/-ēd- in Greek and Latin. (Cf. Salomon 2023: 27 f., n. 11.)
In Cisalpine Celtic inscriptions, some of the PNN in (putative) -edon- appear sometimes in two-part names where a clear patronym is missing (uvamokozis plialeθu, oletu amaśilu), leading Markey (following Prosdocimi 1986: 239) to analyse the element as a suffix forming cognomina (Markey & Mees 2003: 140, 149, Markey 2006: 157). Markey compares Sabellic patronymic -id-i̯o- (Wallace 2007: 52), Messapic patronymic -id- (Matzinger 2019: 107 f.), and Greek -ιδᾱ, and also identifies the suffix in putative Celtic -iþu (read -idū by him) in Raetic inscriptions from Magrè (cf. also Markey & Mees 2004: 86 f.). -ed- is derived from *-id- with lowering in Markey & Mees 2003: 149 (cf. Villar & Prósper 2005: 286), while Markey 2006: 157 reconstructs Pre-Celtic *-ed-on, with Magrè -idū < -edū through raising before a high vowel.
Bibliography
| AcS | Alfred Holder, Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz, Leipzig: Teubner 1896–1907. |
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