prit-: Difference between revisions
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== Commentary == | == Commentary == | ||
For the morpheme's only attestation in Cisalpine Celtic, {{bib|Solinas 2016}}: 377 suggests the base ''britu''- listed in {{bib|DLG}}: 89 as found in Gaulish PNN like ''brittus'', ''britto'', ''brittula'' (see also {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 49), and compared with OIr. ''brith'' 'thought, judgement'. The lexeme, however, is an ''ā''-stem PIE *''bʰr̥-tā''- > PC *''bret''- with lowering of the root vowel before ''a'', the form ''brith'' being the old dative which replaced the nominative ({{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 387–390, {{bib|Marchesini & Stifter 2018}}: 148). An ''i''-stem PIE *''bʰr̥-ti''- is attested in MW ''bryd'' ({{bib|Schumacher 2000}}: 71 f.), but no ''u''-stems (though they have been considered, cf. {{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 390) are in evidence. Stifter ({{bib|Marchesini & Stifter 2018}}: 148) therefore prefers a derivation from PIE *''k<sup>u̯</sup>r̥-tu''- > PC *''k<sup>u̯</sup>ritu''- 'form' ({{bib|LEIA}}: C-256, {{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 93 f.) > Gaul. ''pritu''- as in names like ''prito'', ''prittusa'' ({{bib|DLG}}: 253, {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 150). Delamarre {{bib|DLG}}: 89 points out that ''b'' in names in ''brit''(''t'')- may be influenced by the Latinised forms (''brittones'', ''britanni'' etc.) of a Celtic ethnonym which had ''k<sup>u̯</sup>''/''p'' (*''pritenī'' > OIr. ''cruithin'', MW ''prydyn'' 'Picts', *''pritanī'' > MW ''prydein'' 'Britain'; see {{bib|LEIA}}: C-254 and {{bib| | For the morpheme's only attestation in Cisalpine Celtic, {{bib|Solinas 2016}}: 377 suggests the base ''britu''- listed in {{bib|DLG}}: 89 as found in Gaulish PNN like ''brittus'', ''britto'', ''brittula'' (see also {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 49), and compared with OIr. ''brith'' 'thought, judgement'. The lexeme, however, is an ''ā''-stem PIE *''bʰr̥-tā''- > PC *''bret''- with lowering of the root vowel before ''a'', the form ''brith'' being the old dative which replaced the nominative ({{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 387–390, {{bib|Marchesini & Stifter 2018}}: 148). An ''i''-stem PIE *''bʰr̥-ti''- is attested in MW ''bryd'' ({{bib|Schumacher 2000}}: 71 f.), but no ''u''-stems (though they have been considered, cf. {{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 390) are in evidence. Stifter ({{bib|Marchesini & Stifter 2018}}: 148) therefore prefers a derivation from PIE *''k<sup>u̯</sup>r̥-tu''- > PC *''k<sup>u̯</sup>ritu''- 'form' ({{bib|LEIA}}: C-256, {{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 93 f.) > Gaul. ''pritu''- as in names like ''prito'', ''prittusa'' ({{bib|DLG}}: 253, {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 150). Delamarre {{bib|DLG}}: 89 points out that ''b'' in names in ''brit''(''t'')- may be influenced by the Latinised forms (''brittones'', ''britanni'' etc.) of a Celtic ethnonym which had ''k<sup>u̯</sup>''/''p'' (*''pritenī'' > OIr. ''cruithin'', MW ''prydyn'' 'Picts', *''pritanī'' > MW ''prydein'' 'Britain'; see {{bib|LEIA}}: C-254 and {{bib|O’Rahilly 1964}}: 444–452) and may be from the same base *''k<sup>u̯</sup>rit''-, but cf. {{bib|LEIA}}: B-91 f., {{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 94. | ||
<p style="text-align:right;>[[User:Corinna Salomon|Corinna Salomon]]</p> | <p style="text-align:right;>[[User:Corinna Salomon|Corinna Salomon]]</p> | ||
{{bibliography}} | {{bibliography}} | ||
Latest revision as of 17:46, 26 July 2024
| Type: | lexical |
|---|---|
| Meaning: | 'form, shape, manner' |
| Language: | Celtic |
| Phonemic analysis: | /prit/- |
| From PIE: | *ku̯r̥-tu- |
| From Proto-Celtic: | *ku̯ritu- |
| Attestation: | pritua, prituli |
Commentary
For the morpheme's only attestation in Cisalpine Celtic, Solinas 2016: 377 suggests the base britu- listed in DLG: 89 as found in Gaulish PNN like brittus, britto, brittula (see also Delamarre 2007: 49), and compared with OIr. brith 'thought, judgement'. The lexeme, however, is an ā-stem PIE *bʰr̥-tā- > PC *bret- with lowering of the root vowel before a, the form brith being the old dative which replaced the nominative (Irslinger 2002: 387–390, Marchesini & Stifter 2018: 148). An i-stem PIE *bʰr̥-ti- is attested in MW bryd (Schumacher 2000: 71 f.), but no u-stems (though they have been considered, cf. Irslinger 2002: 390) are in evidence. Stifter (Marchesini & Stifter 2018: 148) therefore prefers a derivation from PIE *ku̯r̥-tu- > PC *ku̯ritu- 'form' (LEIA: C-256, Irslinger 2002: 93 f.) > Gaul. pritu- as in names like prito, prittusa (DLG: 253, Delamarre 2007: 150). Delamarre DLG: 89 points out that b in names in brit(t)- may be influenced by the Latinised forms (brittones, britanni etc.) of a Celtic ethnonym which had ku̯/p (*pritenī > OIr. cruithin, MW prydyn 'Picts', *pritanī > MW prydein 'Britain'; see LEIA: C-254 and O’Rahilly 1964: 444–452) and may be from the same base *ku̯rit-, but cf. LEIA: B-91 f., Irslinger 2002: 94.
Bibliography
| Delamarre 2007 | Xavier Delamarre, Noms de personnes celtiques dans l'épigraphie classique. Nomina Celtica Antiqua Selecta Inscriptionum, Paris: Errance 2007. |
|---|---|
| DLG | Xavier Delamarre, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise. Une approche linguistique du vieux-celtique continental, 2nd, revised edition, Paris: Errance 2003. |
