-il(l)-: Difference between revisions
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Common in Continental Celtic onomastics (cf. {{bib|Stüber 2005}}: 71 f., {{bib|Stüber et al. 2009}}: 34, 259). See {{bib|Untermann 1960}}: 275–279, 83 f., 288–290 for attestations in PNN of Northern Italy, specifically the Milano namescape. | Common in Continental Celtic onomastics (cf. {{bib|Stüber 2005}}: 71 f., {{bib|Stüber et al. 2009}}: 34, 259). See {{bib|Untermann 1960}}: 275–279, 83 f., 288–290 for attestations in PNN of Northern Italy, specifically the Milano namescape. | ||
The suffix variant must ultimatively go back to PIE agentive and instrumental *-''l''-, which also derived diminutives ({{bib|Brugmann 1906}}: 373 ff., {{bib|Leumann 1977}}: 310, {{bib|Weiss 2009}}: 279 f., but see below); -''il''(''l'')- through recutting (cf. {{m||-ul(l)-}}). See {{bib|De Bernardo Stempel 1999}}: 222–228 for the lexical ''l''-suffix in Insular Celtic, and cf. {{m||-al-}}. Continental Celtic onomastic -''il''(''l'')- is most likely diminutive (cf. {{bib|LEIA}}: D-195 s.v. ''drettel'', but cf. also {{bib|Schuhmann 2003}}, who argues that it is the use of *-''l''- to form hypocoristics, derived from appurtenance, which goes back to PIE, and that its diminutive function is a secondary development in certain branches). How exactly the specific forms of the suffix developed is unclear; in Cisalpine Celtic, the initial vowel does frequently, but not always correspond to the stem vowel of the base. Geminate ''ll'' may be expressive, as common in hypocoristics (cf. {{bib|LEIA}}: D-195 s.v. ''drettel''), or generalised from forms in which it arose through assimilation, as in Latin ({{bib|Leumann 1977}}: 305 f., {{bib|Weiss 2009}}: 300 with n. 88). Since the suffix, with various initial vowels due to recutting, is productive in many IE branches (esp. Lat. -''ill''-, Gr. -''ιλ''(''λ'')-), interference from these quarters must be expected. | The suffix variant must ultimatively go back to PIE agentive and instrumental *-''l''-, which also derived diminutives ({{bib|Brugmann 1906}}: 373 ff., {{bib|Leumann 1977}}: 310, {{bib|Weiss 2009}}: 279 f., but see below); -''il''(''l'')- through recutting (cf. {{m||-ul(l)-}}). See {{bib|De Bernardo Stempel 1999}}: 222–228 for the lexical ''l''-suffix in Insular Celtic, and cf. {{m||-al-}}. Continental Celtic onomastic -''il''(''l'')- is most likely diminutive (cf. {{bib|LEIA}}: D-195 s.v. ''drettel'', but cf. also {{bib|Schuhmann 2003}}, who argues that it is the use of *-''l''- to form hypocoristics, derived from appurtenance, which goes back to PIE, and that its diminutive function is a secondary development in certain branches). How exactly the specific forms of the suffix developed is unclear; in Cisalpine Celtic, the initial vowel does frequently, but not always correspond to the stem vowel of the base; a variant -''el''(''l'')- also appears (s. {{bib|AcS}} I: 1415). Geminate ''ll'' may be expressive, as common in hypocoristics (cf. {{bib|LEIA}}: D-195 s.v. ''drettel''), or generalised from forms in which it arose through assimilation, as in Latin ({{bib|Leumann 1977}}: 305 f., {{bib|Weiss 2009}}: 300 with n. 88). Since the suffix, with various initial vowels due to recutting, is productive in many IE branches (esp. Lat. -''ill''-, Gr. -''ιλ''(''λ'')-), interference from these quarters must be expected. | ||
<p style="text-align:right;>[[User:Corinna Salomon|Corinna Salomon]]</p> | <p style="text-align:right;>[[User:Corinna Salomon|Corinna Salomon]]</p> | ||
{{bibliography}} | {{bibliography}} |
Latest revision as of 17:29, 16 January 2024
Type: | derivational |
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Function: | diminutive (?) |
Language: | Celtic |
Phonemic analysis: | -/il/- and/or -/ill/- |
Attestation: | amaśilu, anteśilu, atilonei, kasiloi, kasilos, kasilus, ritilio(, runelos, rupelos, siuilios, uarsileos, uitili, uitilios |
Commentary
Common in Continental Celtic onomastics (cf. Stüber 2005: 71 f., Stüber et al. 2009: 34, 259). See Untermann 1960: 275–279, 83 f., 288–290 for attestations in PNN of Northern Italy, specifically the Milano namescape.
The suffix variant must ultimatively go back to PIE agentive and instrumental *-l-, which also derived diminutives (Brugmann 1906: 373 ff., Leumann 1977: 310, Weiss 2009: 279 f., but see below); -il(l)- through recutting (cf. -ul(l)-). See De Bernardo Stempel 1999: 222–228 for the lexical l-suffix in Insular Celtic, and cf. -al-. Continental Celtic onomastic -il(l)- is most likely diminutive (cf. LEIA: D-195 s.v. drettel, but cf. also Schuhmann 2003, who argues that it is the use of *-l- to form hypocoristics, derived from appurtenance, which goes back to PIE, and that its diminutive function is a secondary development in certain branches). How exactly the specific forms of the suffix developed is unclear; in Cisalpine Celtic, the initial vowel does frequently, but not always correspond to the stem vowel of the base; a variant -el(l)- also appears (s. AcS I: 1415). Geminate ll may be expressive, as common in hypocoristics (cf. LEIA: D-195 s.v. drettel), or generalised from forms in which it arose through assimilation, as in Latin (Leumann 1977: 305 f., Weiss 2009: 300 with n. 88). Since the suffix, with various initial vowels due to recutting, is productive in many IE branches (esp. Lat. -ill-, Gr. -ιλ(λ)-), interference from these quarters must be expected.
Bibliography
AcS | Alfred Holder, Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz, Leipzig: Teubner 1896–1907. |
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Brugmann 1906 | Karl Brugmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen: Vergleichende Laut-, Stammbildungs- und Flexionslehre nebst Lehre vom Gebrauch der Wortformen der indogermanischen Sprachen. Vol. II: Lehre von den Wortformen und ihrem Gebrauch, Part 1: Allgemeines. Zusammensetzung (Komposita). Nominalstämme, 2nd, extended edition, Strassburg: Trübner 1906. |
De Bernardo Stempel 1999 | Patrizia De Bernardo Stempel, Nominale Wortbildung des älteren Irischen. Stammbildung und Derivation [= Buchreihe der Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 15], Tübingen: Niemeyer 1999. |