tetu

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Attestation:	CO·48 (uvamokozis:plialeθu:uvltiauiopos:ariuonepos:siteś:tetu) (1)
Language:	Celtic
Word Type:	verb
Grammatical Categories:	3rd sg. past
Morphemic Analysis:	ded-ū
Phonemic Analysis:	/dedū/
Meaning:	'gave, set up, dedicated' uel sim.

Commentary

Recognised as a verb in the 3^rd sg. past already by Tibiletti Bruno 1966b: 301, though with incorrect segmentation (root *dʰeh₁- 'put' + ending -tū, see Tibiletti Bruno 1966b: 302 f., 1968: 393 f., 1978: 142, 169 f., 1981: 180 f., 1990b: 104). The analysis as a reduplicated perfect was established by Prosdocimi 1967: 216 f. (root *deh₃- 'give' + ending -u, see also Lejeune 1971: 105 f.).

According to Schumacher (KP: 73, 720 f., also Bammesberger 1992: 98–101), dedū is the direct continuation of a pre-PC 3^rd sg. perfect **d(ʰ)e-d(ʰ)ohₓ-e, while Gaul. dede (see RIIG) is a remodelled 3^rd sg. past based on a paradigma with generalised past stem *ded- (recut from the weak stem of the 3^rd pl.). The PIE root could be either *dʰeh₁- 'put' or *deh₃- 'give'; Schumacher notes that the perfect formations would have merged in Celtic following the merger of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives. On the mechanics of **d(ʰ)e-d(ʰ)ohₓ-e > dedū see Eska 2009b: 110 (with contraction after the loss of the laryngeal **dedóhₓ-e > *dedoe > *dedō > dedū, or via Jasanoff's rule **dedóhₓ-e > *dedóhₓ-u̯ > *dedōu̯ > *dedūu̯ > dedū). Eska 2024d: 79, n. 6, assumes that *dʰeh₁- was replaced by *kerH- 'scatter, pour out' in Celtic (cf. karite), and that tetu must thus be a continuation of *deh₃-.

See also Campanile 1968: 207 f., 212 f., Lejeune 1978: 111, Szemerényi 1974: 281 f., Schmidt 1980: 183, Prosdocimi 1986: 245–250, Prosdocimi 1986b: 214, Schmidt 1986b: 176 f., Eska 1990: 81, McCone 1996: 69, Eska 1998c: 68, Rubio-Orecilla 1999: 111, Motta 2000: 197, Untermann 2000: 178, LIV²: 137 f., Markey & Mees 2003: 157, De Bernardo Stempel 2005: 189 f., Eska & Mercado 2005: 177 f., Mees 2008: 198, n. 6, Matasović 2009: 86, Zair 2012: 257.

Corinna Salomon

Bibliography

Bammesberger 1992	Alfred Bammesberger, "Quelques formes du prétérit en celtique continental", Études Celtiques 29 (1992), 97–103.
Campanile 1968	Enrico Campanile, "Su due interpretazioni della iscrizione di Prestino", Studi e Saggi Linguistici 8 (1968), 207–213.
De Bernardo Stempel 2005	Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel, "Indogermanisch und keltischen "geben": kontinentalkelt. Gabiae, gabi/gabas, keltib. gabizeti, altir. ro-(n)-gab und Zugehöriges", Historische Sprachforschung 118 (2005), 185–200.
Eska & Mercado 2005	Joseph Francis Eska, Angelo O. Mercado, "Observations on verbal art in ancient Vergiate", Historische Sprachforschung 118 (2005), 160-184.
Eska 1990	Joseph F. Eska, "The so-called weak or dental preterite in Continental Celtic, Watkins' law, and related matters", Historische Sprachforschung 103 (1990), 81–91.
Eska 1998c	Josef Francis Eska, "PIE *p (doesn't become) Ø in proto Celtic", Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 58 (1998), 63-80.
Eska 2009b	Joseph Francis Eska, "Remarks on the 3. plural preterite in -us in Continental Celtic", Die Sprache 47,1 (2007–2008 [2009]), 108–119.
Eska 2024d	Joseph F. Eska, "Digamma and Prestino and related matters", Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 71/1 (2024), 77–96.