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==Commentary== | ==Commentary== | ||
''on''-stem personal name in the dative. {{bib|Eska 2006}}: 232, n. 7 (also {{bib|Eska & Evans 2009}}: 36) suggests that a subset of the names in ⟨kuV⟩ in Cisalpine Celtic (cf. {{w||kualui}}, {{w||kuimpalui}}), unless they have rare /g<sup>u̯</sup>/ < PIE *''g<sup>u̯h</sup>'', could preserve the labiovelar /{{p||kʷ|k<sup>u̯</sup>}}/ before the change to /{{p||p}}/ (considering the late loss of inherited *''p'' as indicated by {{w||uvamokozis}}), which, however, does not generate any convincing etymologies in the present case. Alternatively, ⟨kua⟩ could reflect preverb {{m||kom-|kom-}}+''u̯a''°- with assimilated /m/ and /o/ (/kuu̯V/- < /kou̯V/- < /komu̯V/ as per {{bib|Stifter 2003}}: 240 f. (cf. {{w||kuimpalui}}), cf. {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 78, who analyses the anlaut of names in ''kuat''° ({{bib|CIL}} XIII 5510 {{tr|lat|cuatasius}} [Dijon], {{tr|lat|cuatilus}} [Heiligenberg]) as {{m||kom-|ko(m)-}}''u̯at''- with ''u̯ati''-/-''u''- 'prophet/prophecy'. In this case, ''ku̯aðū'' may be a hypocoristic from a (not otherwise attested) compound {{m||kom-|ko(m)-}}{{m||u̯ađ-}} before the assimilation of tau gallicum to /{{p||ss}}/. (The second element can hardly, as in Delamarre's analyses, be ''u̯ati''-/-''u''- with dental suffix, as the element is not attested with tau gallicum in the root auslaut; in fact, /{{p||t}}/ in the Celtic root may itself be the reflex of a dental suffix, see {{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 98–100.) A comparison with ''cuasus'' with single sigma as suggested by {{bib|Motta 2000}}: 199, {{bib|Morandi 2004}}: 534, {{bib|Tibiletti Bruno 1997}}: 1019, n. 45 (according to Motta, the reading is not entirely certain, cf. {{bib|Schuermans 1867}}: no. 1788) is uncertain; the analysis as ''cuasso'' from {{w||kualui|kuos}}) plus a suffix -''ass''- as per {{bib|Tibiletti Bruno 1997}}: 1019 f., n. 46, is not feasible. | ''on''-stem personal name in the dative. {{bib|Eska 2006}}: 232, n. 7 (also {{bib|Eska & Evans 2009}}: 36) suggests that a subset of the names in ⟨kuV⟩ in Cisalpine Celtic (cf. {{w||kualui}}, {{w||kuimpalui}}), unless they have rare /g<sup>u̯</sup>/ < PIE *''g<sup>u̯h</sup>'', could preserve the labiovelar /{{p||kʷ|k<sup>u̯</sup>}}/ before the change to /{{p||p}}/ (considering the late loss of inherited *''p'' as indicated by {{w||uvamokozis}}), which, however, does not generate any convincing etymologies in the present case. Alternatively, ⟨kua⟩ could reflect preverb {{m||kom-|kom-}}+''u̯a''°- with assimilated /m/ and /o/ (/kuu̯V/- < /kou̯V/- < /komu̯V/ as per {{bib|Stifter 2003}}: 240 f. (cf. {{w||kuimpalui}}), cf. {{bib|Delamarre 2007}}: 78, who analyses the anlaut of names in ''kuat''° ({{bib|CIL}} XIII 5510 {{tr|lat|cuatasius}} [Dijon], {{tr|lat|cuatilus}} [Heiligenberg]) as {{m||kom-|ko(m)-}}''u̯at''- with ''u̯ati''-/-''u''- 'prophet/prophecy'. In this case, ''ku̯aðū'' may be a hypocoristic from a (not otherwise attested) compound {{m||kom-|ko(m)-}}{{m||u̯ađ-}} before the assimilation of tau gallicum to /{{p||ss}}/. (The second element can hardly, as in Delamarre's analyses, be ''u̯ati''-/-''u''- with dental suffix, as the element is not attested with tau gallicum in the root auslaut; in fact, /{{p||t}}/ in the Celtic root may itself be the reflex of a dental suffix, see {{bib|Irslinger 2002}}: 98–100.) A comparison with ''cuasus'' with single sigma as suggested by {{bib|Motta 2000}}: 199, {{bib|Morandi 2004}}: 534, {{bib|Tibiletti Bruno 1997}}: 1019, n. 45 (according to Motta, the reading is not entirely certain, cf. {{bib|Schuermans 1867}}: no. 1788) is uncertain; the analysis as ''cuasso'' from {{w||kualui|kuos}}) plus a suffix -''ass''- as per {{bib|Tibiletti Bruno 1997}}: 1019 f., n. 46, is not feasible. See also {{bib|Salomon 2024}}: 152. | ||
<p style="text-align:right;>[[User:Corinna Salomon|Corinna Salomon]]</p> | <p style="text-align:right;>[[User:Corinna Salomon|Corinna Salomon]]</p> | ||
{{bibliography}} | {{bibliography}} | ||
Revision as of 15:21, 7 August 2024
| Attestation: | TI·27.1 (kuaśoni:pala:telialui) (1) |
|---|---|
| Language: | Celtic |
| Word Type: | proper noun |
| Semantic Field: | personal name |
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| |
| Grammatical Categories: | dat. sg. masc. |
| Stem Class: | on |
|
| |
| Morphemic Analysis: | kuas-oni |
| Phonemic Analysis: | /????oni/ |
| Meaning: | 'for Kuaśu' |
Commentary
on-stem personal name in the dative. Eska 2006: 232, n. 7 (also Eska & Evans 2009: 36) suggests that a subset of the names in ⟨kuV⟩ in Cisalpine Celtic (cf. kualui, kuimpalui), unless they have rare /gu̯/ < PIE *gu̯h, could preserve the labiovelar /ku̯/ before the change to /p/ (considering the late loss of inherited *p as indicated by uvamokozis), which, however, does not generate any convincing etymologies in the present case. Alternatively, ⟨kua⟩ could reflect preverb kom-+u̯a°- with assimilated /m/ and /o/ (/kuu̯V/- < /kou̯V/- < /komu̯V/ as per Stifter 2003: 240 f. (cf. kuimpalui), cf. Delamarre 2007: 78, who analyses the anlaut of names in kuat° (CIL XIII 5510 cuatasius [Dijon], cuatilus [Heiligenberg]) as ko(m)-u̯at- with u̯ati-/-u- 'prophet/prophecy'. In this case, ku̯aðū may be a hypocoristic from a (not otherwise attested) compound ko(m)-u̯ađ- before the assimilation of tau gallicum to /ss/. (The second element can hardly, as in Delamarre's analyses, be u̯ati-/-u- with dental suffix, as the element is not attested with tau gallicum in the root auslaut; in fact, /t/ in the Celtic root may itself be the reflex of a dental suffix, see Irslinger 2002: 98–100.) A comparison with cuasus with single sigma as suggested by Motta 2000: 199, Morandi 2004: 534, Tibiletti Bruno 1997: 1019, n. 45 (according to Motta, the reading is not entirely certain, cf. Schuermans 1867: no. 1788) is uncertain; the analysis as cuasso from kuos) plus a suffix -ass- as per Tibiletti Bruno 1997: 1019 f., n. 46, is not feasible. See also Salomon 2024: 152.
Bibliography
| CIL | Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. (17 volumes, various supplements) |
|---|---|
| Delamarre 2007 | Xavier Delamarre, Noms de personnes celtiques dans l'épigraphie classique. Nomina Celtica Antiqua Selecta Inscriptionum, Paris: Errance 2007. |
| Eska & Evans 2009 | Joseph F. Eska, David Ellis Evans, "Continental Celtic", in: Martin J. Ball, Nicole Müller (eds), The Celtic Languages, 2nd edition, London – New York: Routledge 2009, 28–53. |
| Eska 2006 | Joseph F. Eska, "The genitive plural desinence in Celtic and dialect geography", Die Sprache 46/2 (2006), 229–235. |
